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Mirèlha (Occitan Provençau)
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La Vall d’Aran està separada políticament dels països occitans veïns des de fa segles, i en certa manera això ha estat definitiu d’ençà de la concessió als aranesos dels privilegis inclosos a Era Querimònia l’any 1313, després que aquell país gascó decidís d’adscriure’s a la Corona d’Aragó i passar a formar part del Principat de Catalunya en unes condicions certament particulars que no té cap altra zona del ter- ritori. Només algunes invasions episòdiques del Regne o de la República de França en els segles posteriors (vegeu Lladonosa, 2001) han fet que aquella vall gascona, durant alguns períodes breus, no hagi estat diferent de les altres valls occitanes veïnes des d’un punt de vista polític.
De fet, la diferència en l’adscripció estatal respecte a les zones occitanes imme- diates ha condicionat enormement la visió que els lingüistes i altres estudiosos han tingut tradicionalment de l’aranès, segurament oblidant que la Vall d’Aran, tot i de- pendre políticament de successius estats ibèrics, ha continuat mantenint unes inten- ses relacions humanes amb els territoris veïns que també parlen occità, unes relacions segurament més intenses que no pas les que també ha mantingut amb els territoris catalans immediats (que no han estat, ni de bon tros, inexistents). No oblidem que la Vall d’Aran es troba al nord de l’eix pirinenc, orientada cap a l’Atlàntic, l’oceà on va a parar el riu Garona, que viatja fins a Tolosa o Bordeus i que és precisament la columna vertebral d’aquell petit país pirinenc, al costat del qual s’arrengleren la major part de poblacions araneses. En aquest petit treball pretenem fer una breu aproximació a la dialectologia aranesa tenint en compte tot això que acabem d’assenyalar. Prescindint de prejudicis estatals i d’apriorismes. Deixant de banda visions contaminades per les adscripcions administratives, sovint sobrevalorades. La nostra intenció és de demostrar, sobretot mitjançant un catàleg de fets lingüístics, que la diversitat dialectal de l’aranès potser no es pot deslligar de les relacions —o la intensitat d’aquestes mateixes relacions— que les diferents zones de la Vall d’Aran han tingut amb els diferents països occitans veïns, i que en la geolingüística aranesa tenen un paper ca- pital les afinitats amb els parlars immediats del Comenge i del Coserans, els dos territoris gascons immediats. Com veurem, l’occità parlat en algunes poblacions de la Vall d’Aran fins i tot pot presentar més afinitats —almenys tradicionalment— amb el gascó que hi ha en localitats administrativament franceses que no pas amb el que s’usa en localitats situades a la mateixa Vall d’Aran. La frontera, la teòrica frontera definitivament instal·lada al segle xiv, ha estat realment mai un obstacle per a la co- municació entre els occitans d’un costat i de l’altre de la línia administrativa? Ha suposat una barrera per a la difusió de certes solucions fonètiques, morfosintàctiques o lexicals? Des del punt de vista lingüístic, ja veurem que la resposta és categòrica.
In 1209 Simon of Montfort led a war against the Cathars of Languedoc after Pope Innocent III preached a crusade condemning them as heretics. The suppression of heresy became a pretext for a vicious war that remains largely unstudied as a military conflict. Laurence Marvin here examines the Albigensian Crusade as military and political history rather than religious history, and traces these dimensions of the conflict through to Montfort’s death in 1218. He shows how Montfort experienced military success in spite of a hostile populace, impossible military targets, armies that dissolved every forty days, and a pope who often failed to support the crusade morally or financially. He also discusses the supposed brutality of the war, why the inhabitants were for so long unsuccessful at defending themselves against it, and its impact on Occitania. This original account will appeal to scholars of medieval France, the Crusades, and medieval military history.
LAURENCE W. MARVIN is Associate Professor of History at the Evans School of Humanities, Berry College, Georgia.
Ce Dictionnaire comprend donc les 37,000 mots de Littré, plus 2,200 termes recueillis de part et d’autre. Il eût été facile d’en augmenter le volume en y faisant place aux proverbes dont la langue d’Oc est si pittoresquement émaillée, à l’explication des us et coutumes qui surnagent encore dans l’envahissement de l’uniformité désespérante où se monotonise l’univers entier, à la description de nos vieilles cités, à la généalogie des hommes qui ont illustré notre patrie ensoleillée ; mais, outre que ces données ont été déjà consignées ailleurs, le plan du présent livre devait le maintenir en un cadre restreint, dans un format accessible au grand nombre ; il ne comporte pas de développements historiques ni géographiques : il ne vise que la Unguistique, le lecteur n’y trouvera rien d’inutile. Nous avons néanmoins la confiance qu’il y rencontrera tout ce que l’état actuel des sciences et des lettres lui donne le droit d’y chercher: les idiotismes particuliers à notre Midi, l’expression propre qui échappe parfois, lorsque deux langues se côtoient, le mot pittoresque qui n’apparaît pas au moment désiré, l’abondance variée que l’éclatante floraison du Félibrige réclame de ses amoureux.
This dissertation compares the works of select troubadours with three mystical tracts in order to present the similarities found in these two literary traditions. Mystical writings have a far longer history reaching into antiquity and continuing until the present day. The traces in the manuscript traditions situate in the late eleventh century a new poetic form in Occitan with a focus on earthly love. The love as it is described in the songs of the composers who write or sing about it comes to be called bon amors or fin’ amors, the term we use today to name the love of the troubadour tradition. The period of lyrical production in Occitan by troubadours speaking of fin’ amors does not endure more than three centuries if we begin our count with Guilhem IX (1071-1126) and close with the poet so often called the last of the troubadours, Guiraut Riquier (1254-1292). These two traditions of love literature are thus distinguished by the nature of their literary histories and also by the loves they describe. Despite this, the shape of the loves they discuss as well as the language used to speak about love are not so different.
The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
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