Ua publicacion especiau dera Societé des Langues romanes de Montpellier (MCMXXIX).
Les troubadours et les Bretons
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Joseph Anglade siguec professor ena Universitat de Tolosa.
L’idée du présent travail date de plus de vingt-cinq ans..
0,00 €
Joseph Anglade siguec professor ena Universitat de Tolosa.
L’idée du présent travail date de plus de vingt-cinq ans..
Ua publicacion especiau dera Societé des Langues romanes de Montpellier (MCMXXIX).
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Se sap que, en el conjunt dels parlars romànics, no resulta excep- cional de trobar varietats lingüístiques que, en l’imperfet d’indicatiu de la segona i la tercera conjugacions, presentin a la desinència un so labial intervocàlic. Apareix, per exemple, dialectalment, en espanyol: en zones ben diverses, en clapes disperses, ja sigui en el vell o en el nou continent. Apareix en rètic o en dialectes itàlics: com, sense anar més lluny, en el toscà mateix. O bé també en aragonès, llengua en la qual «la terminación del imperfecto mantiene la -b- tanto en la primera como en la segunda y tercera conjugaciones» (ALVAR, 1953: 230) i en què aquestes formes amb un element bilabial —perquè, com en espanyol, hi és bilabial— a la desinència són, de fet, les formes referencials.
L’objectiu, doncs, no és de tractar d’afers —recurrents, per altra banda— com l’origen etimològic o analògic d’aquell so consonàntic, sinó sobretot de treure a la llum dades que hi fan referència: informa- cions obtingudes durant els darrers set anys arreu dels pobles de la Vall d’Aran —i també del Comenge veí, ja a l’Estat francès— a través d’enquestes de tipus dialectològic de format —diguem-ne— clàssic.
Era publicacion deth Nomenclator dera Val d’Aran represente ua hita importanta ena normalizacion des sòns nòms de lòc der aranés e, donques, dera lengua madeisha. Ei un esturment basic de consulta entara Administracion e eth mon empresariau entà designar, etiquetar e fixar es nòms de lòc de manèra normativa.
Aguest nomenclator permet era localizacion dera toponimia aranesa en ua cartografia de detalh, a on practicament toti es nòms de lòc d’Aran son recuelhuts e tanben normalizadi. Atau, eth Nomenclator dera Val d’Aran amasse un totau de 3 450 toponims de tot tipe que provien dera Basa toponimica a escala 1:5000 der Institut Cartografic e Geologic de Catalonha (ICGC), era mès detalhada que corbís actuaument tota era Val d’Aran.
Era òbra qu’auetz enes mans ei frut d’un convèni de collaboracion entre er Institut d’Estudi Aranesi-Acadèmia aranesa dera lengua occitana, coma autoritat lingüistica dera lengua occitana en Catalonha, e er Institut Cartografic e Geologic de Catalonha, coma generador de cartografia e d’informacion geografica.
Eth nau Nomenclator ei un esturment de referéncia que contribuirà, d’un costast, ara coneishença e era difusion des formes adequades des nòms de lòc e era sua localizacion sus eth territòri e, der aute, ara preservacion dera toponimia coma auviatge intangible, coma testimòni des eveniments istorics e coma reflèxe d’ua cultura viua que contunharà evolucionant.
The chansonnier Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, f. fr. 22543 (known as “R”) has been recognized for over 200 years as a precious repository of the literature of the medieval troubadours of southern France. It transmits almost 950 lyric poems and 160 melodies, along with many other important writings in the Occitan language, many of which are unica.
The paleography, decoration, and dialect of the manuscript are described thoroughly, and their distinctive features are seen to support the hypothesis that R was compiled in northern Languedoc or western Provence around 1300. While most of the texts of R were copied by one scribe, the relatively few melodies it contains were probably notated by at least four different copyists. Over eighty percent of the poems were never supplied with their melodies, even though musical staves were provided; these staves were left empty. The notation is in the style of the so-called Notre Dame school of Paris, and the rhythms of the notes are not apparent, although a few seem to be in rudimentary mensural notation.
The manuscript contains some works of the troubadours of the early twelfth century, and also a large number of works by late thirteenth-century poets. By examining internal paleographical data and making comparisons with other extant codices, it is possible to offer suggestions on the nature of the exemplars of this heterogeneous collection. The problems of determining how the texts and melodies were transmitted are investigated, including the issues of oral transmission, the lack of extant autographs, the disparity in the origins of the surviving manuscripts, and the variant attributions. The musical transmission is especially problematic, since only three other sources containing music survive. The forty-five concordances that R shares with these other codices are discussed.
A review of the modern history of the manuscript shows that the earliest known owner was the Marquise d’Urfe of the early eighteenth century. The commonly accepted belief that R was in the library of her ancestor the poet Honore d’Urfe in the seventeenth century is found to be unsupported by the available evidence.
It was out of medieval Provence – Proensa – that the ethos of courtly love emerged, and it was in the poetry of the Provençal troubadours that it found its perfect expression. Their poetry was also a central inspiration for Dante and his Italian contemporaries, propagators of the modern vernacular lyric, and seven centuries later it was no less important to the modernist Ezra Pound. These poems, a source to which poetry has returned again and again in search of renewal, are subtle, startling, earthy, erotic, and supremely musical.
The poet Paul Blackburn studied and translated the troubadours for twenty years, and the result of that long commitment is ‘Proensa’, an anthology of thirty poets of the eleventh through thirteenth centuries, which has since established itself not only as a powerful and faithful work of translation but as a work of poetry in its own right. Blackburn’s ‘Proensa’, George Economou writes, “will take its place among Gavin Douglas’ ‘Aeneid’, Golding’s ‘Metamorphoses’, the Homer of Chapman, Pope, and Lattimore, Waley’s Japanese, and Pound’s Chinese, Italian, and Old English.”
Some of medieval culture’s most arresting images and stories inextricably associate love and death. Thus the troubadour Jaufre Rudel dies in the arms of the countess of Tripoli, having loved her from afar without ever having seen her. Or in Marie de France’s Chevrefoil, Tristan and Iseult’s fatal love is hauntingly symbolized by the fatally entwined honeysuckle and hazel. And who could forget the ethereal spectacle of the Damoisele of Escalot’s body carried to Camelot on a supernatural funerary boat with a letter on her breast explaining how her unrequited love for Lancelot killed her? Medieval literature is fascinated with the idea that love may be a fatal affliction. Indeed, it is frequently suggested that true love requires sacrifice, that you must be ready to die for, from, and in love. Love, in other words, is represented, sometimes explicitly, as a form of martyrdom, a notion that is repeatedly reinforced by courtly literature’s borrowing of religious vocabulary and imagery. The paradigm of the martyr to love has of course remained compelling in the early modern and modern period.
This book seeks to explore what is at stake in medieval literature’s preoccupation with love’s martyrdom. Informed by modern theoretical approaches, particularly Lacanian psychoanalysis and Jacques Derrida’s work on ethics, it offers new readings of a wide range of French and Occitan courtly texts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and argues that a new secular ethics of desire emerges from courtly literature because of its fascination with death. This book also examines the interplay between lyric and romance in courtly literary culture and shows how courtly literature’s predilection for sacrificial desire imposes a repressive sex-gender system that may then be subverted by fictional women and queers who either fail to die on cue, or who die in troublesome and disruptive ways.
Aran ath long dera sua millenària existéncia a anat configurant ua simbologia pròpia, uns senhaus d’identitat, ua istòria e un patrimòni d’identificacion collectiua.
Auem er escut qu’ei reflèxe e expression dea nòsta istòria. Sintèssis de toti es elements: Lengua, Istòria, Art, Territòri e Volentat collectiua; Diuersitat e convivéncia. Er escut sintetise toti aguesti element d’arraötz popular e eth pòble les identifique coma pròpis.
Angel Claveria a sabut articular tot eth contengut simbolic en aguestes quate planes, Mos cau emplegar e mantier es simbèus entà permanéisher coma pòble.
En 1944, Manuel Abizanda e Broto deth Servicio de Defensa del Patrimonio Artístico Nacional publique era transcripcion e studi d’un manscrit titolat Índice Privilegios. Abizanda conde que dit manuscrit siguec amagat tà liurar-le deth perilh des “hodas rojas y marxistas” pendent era epòca Republicana e Guèrra Civila.
En 1938, un còp liberada era Val d’Aran pes nacionaus, er avocat Jaume Sala entreguèc dit manuscrit ath Servicio. Abizanda qu’ère agent d’aguest servici hec er estudi comentat adès.
En sòn trabalh ditz qu’un còp estudiat, eth manuscrit serà restituït entar Archiu Notariau, mès non especifique s’ei er archiu notariau deth districte de Vielha o parle d’un aute districte. Actuaument se desconeish a on se trape dit manuscrit e sonque auem notícies d’eth pera publicacion de 1944.
Pera descripcion hèta per Abizanda sabem qu’et manuscrit cònste de 50 fuelhs escrits e 40 fuelhs en blanc. Ei enquadernat en pergamin e mesure 14x10cm.
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